China’s rapid growth is placing increasing demands on natural resources in the region but Beijing’s political rise is encouraging the dictatorship to flex its muscles as associated tensions rise.
Hong Kong’s deep reservoir of discontent is not, as Beijing contends, the result of efforts by “anti-China” forces. They are the local reactions of people who have no influence over policies that are rapidly changing their home.
Putin’s endless adventurism and its ensuing condemnation have only veiled China’s quiet harvest. Kiev, Moscow and Washington are all being pushed closer to the powers that be in Beijing.
China and Russia are at the heart of the world's shifting power-balance. But current cooperation between them is likely to give way to tension.
The New York Times has called it a ‘crisis of identity.’ I think that is to put too much blame on the British people. I would call it a crisis of leadership.
Five years after ethnic tensions in western China's Xinjiang province exploded into violence, the political situation there remains troubled.
There is a public realm, and it nurtures a society of free citizens. The painful, complex evolution of this idea in the People's Republic of China is one of the great struggles of the modern world.
India's newly elected prime minister Narendra Modi and Japan's prime minister Shinzo Abe enjoy a friendship which signals increasing co-operation and integration of both nations' economic and defense plans in a new regional strategic partnership.
We need to understand China in the context of a rise of authoritarian political parties and governments throughout the world. South America, far from perfect, is the only region of the world without a clear rise in the influence of anti-democratic, authoritarian parties and governments.
Despite their many efforts to stave off greater mobilization inspired by the ideals of the New Citizens Movement, the Party must know that eventually the force of popular mobilization will be too great to disregard by mere omission.
China's growing economic prosperity has distinguished today's youth – and their demands – from the "89 generation". But though unlikely to occupy the square, the introduction of digital technologies means that political protest is not dead.
What can we learn from comparing the 1989 revolutions in Poland and in China?
