After spending roughly one year in governing positions, the MB and Ennahda seem under pressure from frustrated publics who feel that a zero-change status quo is currently in situ. So who will the people turn to?
The failure to translate the momentum of the heady days of the January 2011 protests in Egypt into an effective revolutionary force is closely related to the organisational forms adopted by oppositional movements. This poses broader questions for social movements worldwide, argues Maha Abdelrahman
The new Heliopolis university in Cairo has developed from SEKEM principles and is devoted entirely to sustainable development. Scilla Elworthy reports on the challenges of setting the pace of social innovation in education
How Egypt’s young adults stole the show, which is how it should be, because the show was meant to be about them in the first place.
In Egypt we have a lot of people who are dirt poor, and a thin stratum that has lavish spending habits. They spend their money on things that are trivial and just plain inconsiderate when it comes to their fellow citizens.
The statement issued by the Muslim Brotherhood in response to the UN Commission on the Status of Women draft Agreed Conclusions on violence against women, is nothing short of an assault on their most basic rights as citizens and human beings, says Hoda Elsadda ,
When a nasty declaration by the UN Commission on the Status of Women contradicts the established principles of Islam more than members of the Brotherhood beating a woman senseless outside their headquarters.
It is common to hear people sitting in ahwas (street coffee houses) speaking of their latest plans to demand better conditions at work through strikes and walkouts. This culture of protest now appears to be more prevalent than ever.
Youths would just waste their lives away, willingly or unwillingly, it did not matter much: what mattered was that their lives were wasted. It was wasted on drugs, drowning in the sea while following a mirage, following false leaders.
The two and a half weeks between January 25 and February 11, 2011 proved that in Egypt there is a strong demand for social, political and economic justice, and that the established political elites – religious or secular – are badly out of step with those aspirations.
In this crucial post-revolutionary period where a vacuum is waiting to be filled, no one, on either side of the political paradigm, is emerging to the fore.
The displays of masculine assertiveness by the football ultras in Egypt and their strongly gendered form of youth activism points to the need to look beyond clichés about unspecified notions of revolutionary youth. Initially opposed to state authorities, are the ultras refashioning themselves as n
