In a famous article in the "Paris Review", Hemingway made a list of the literary figures who had influenced him. When I decided to become an author, I was determined to make the same list.
After 1989, within two decades, the hitherto ‘dormant’ authoritarian, leader-worshipping, order-obsessed right-wing mentality has gradually found its way to the surface. Its institutional shape is precisely impossible to define.
A photograph from the 1920s makes plain the faultline that lays bare the conflicts of Istanbul, whether clearly evident or deeply hidden, as if it were the summary of a one hundred year history.
Comparative analysis of types of city, in their own spatial, political, social and economic contexts, remains a scientific challenge of the kind that Max Weber once faced.
Especially in some European countries, dealing with the dark sides of one’s history has become a significant topos. Without such a change in cultures of commemoration of the different European countries, a European Union would have been impossible.
In 1999, the EU embarked on the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, not recognising that, left to their own devices, the judges would ultimately be overcome by the material forces and zeitgeist that put the interests of the markets before the rights of individuals.
People are no longer content simply to take part in elections and to delegate all their power to political representatives. If Europe wants to create a direct link with the people, there is no other solution than to put the latter in a position to communicate with it.
The digital revolution has strengthened the ability of large organisations to arrange production in ways that weaken collective resistance, and to control and keep watch on our societies. But those who understand the dual role of this revolution also see possibilities for the regeneration of democ
