The future demands that, with the power vested upon us by that NO, we renegotiate Greece's public debt as well as the distribution of burdens between the haves and the have nots.
I would vote yes as I do not want my objections to the way the crisis has been managed at home and in Brussels to be usurped by politicians that dream that they can give the Union a bloody nose by destroying the Eurozone.
The revolt is real against authoritarianism, whatever the outcome of the referendum.
Why getting Greeks to vote NO may be easier than getting them to vote YES.
In its essence, Sunday's question is one of dignity and our lives from this point on.
On July 3-4, the LSE will jointly host a seminar with openDemocracy on the impact of the movements in the squares from 2011 onwards. Do they contribute to the democratic renewal of our democracies and if so how? A conversation.
Up until very recently, geopolitics was one of the most unpopular and outdated intellectual concepts in contemporary Europe. The eurocrisis has changed that.
The referendum takes the lesson of the squares to the heart of politics. The stakes are high: Greek destiny, the future of the European Union and of democracy is on the line.
Claims that the situation in Greece may escalate into a 'civil war' misunderstand the nature of modern Greek society.
Opposition to the direction of the Eurozone can be expressed through national democracies, for example through the election of Syriza, but this is now an inadequate form of political representation.
There is still some space to avoid this worst-case scenario. And to listen to the reasons of Alexis Tsipras and of Greece - that are the reasons of democracy, in Athens as in Europe.
How is it that Greek PM, Tsipras, who tries to relieve the suffering of his people, is a less acceptable EU negotiation partner than Viktor Orbán?
