O artigo em tom esperançoso escrito por Camila Asano sobre o potencial da política externa brasileira de liderar uma agenda de direitos humanos é, infelizmente, bastante esperançoso. English
These are democratic protest movements in societies experiencing rapid change where the public’s demand for better services and more democracy at local as well as national levels grow at a faster pace than their governments’ ability to provide.
A comparative analysis of recent protests in Brazil and Turkey reveals that the economy is far from the only motor of these social developments. The challenge staring both governments in the face is one of political inclusion.
It is a commonplace that since the 1970s, capitalism has left the western working class as roadkill on the road to globalization. What is new about our contemporary moment is that the same is increasingly true for the Euro-American middle class.
While the recent protests in São Paulo are made up of a cross-section of Paulite society 'waking up' to social injustice, it is young people from the urban periphery, those which have 'never slept' who dominate the demonstrations, demanding access, freedom and a new kind of urban living.
In Belo Horizonte, under the slogan "Copa pra quem?" (Whose Cup?) thousands have taken to the streets, occupied and set-up neighbourhood assemblies to reclaim their city from World Cup forces.
Recent protests over a bus fare increase signal a major shift in Brazilian society as the growing middle class demands social justice. But what future is there for a movement without leadership or clear direction?
Esperar que las nuevas potencias globales promuevan los derechos humanos fuera de sus países a través de las Naciones Unidas supone que jugarán con las reglas viejas y, para que esa presión sea efectiva, que los factores de derechos humanos condicionarán sus relaciones bilaterales; ninguno de esos
Why are Brazilians saying “that is enough”? The answer depends on whom one asks.
